Democracy and the news Essay Example for Free

Democracy and the news Essay This paper will look at the different ways the media reflects and affects society by examining the various relationships that exists between the media, the state and the citizens. It will firstly define key terms, allowing for controversial words to have a specific and continuing definition throughout the paper. Three key ideas, centering around the relationships between the media and the state, will make up the major part of this paper; namely how the media affects the state, how the state affects the media and failed attempts by the media to affect the state. Examples of each concept being discussed will be included, showing the notion in practice. Relationships between the media and citizens will also be examined and discussed, again using examples to show each in action. The relationship between the media and citizens will be discussed, examining the ability of the media to influence the public, the publics ability to influence the media and failed attempts of the media to influence the public. The conclusion of this paper will detail the role of the media within society, how it operates and different functions it both performs, and attempts to perform. The media is a constantly changing medium. It includes television, newspapers, magazines, journals, radio, cinema, advertisements, and interactive multi-media. It can also include the Internet, video games, mobile phones and computers ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002 ). No undisputable definition of the term media exists, however, for the purpose of this paper the following definition given by OShaughnessy and Stadler ( 2002 ), will be understood as conclusive. The media are technologically developed and economically profitable forms of human communication, held either in public or private ownership, which can transmit information and entertainment across time and space to large groups of people ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002; Pg 4 ). A democracy is the notion that power and authority is vested in the people,   ( Singleton et al, 2000; Pg 4 ). In Australia, citizens vote for representatives that make up the parliament, and the party holding the majority form Government. Government operates at three levels; Commonwealth, state and local. Parliamentary members are held accountable and responsible for their actions, and numerous institutions designed to check and balance power exists to ensure this occurs. Citizen is defined in The Macquarie Dictionary ( 1994 ) as being a member, native or naturalized, of a state or nation, ( Pg 187 ) and will adopt this definition throughout this paper. The print and electronic medias ability to broadcast information both quickly and widely across society allows the media to successfully enact the role of public watchdog ( Wheeler, 1997; Pg 238 ). The media feeds citizens information. The public is informed of what occurs around them and abroad, who their politicians are, how they look and sound and important issues being suggested, debated and implemented within government. Politician journalist relationships are inherently collusive. Each needs the other to achieve their objectives ( Franklin 1998 ). Politicians require the services of journalists for their messages to reach the general public and journalists need politicians in order to cover politics ( Ward 2002 ). The relationship between the state and the mass media can quickly become vulnerable. The media holds a particular power, which can see it become an agenda setter for society. Not only politicians realise the importance of the media as a platform from which to speak. Pressure groups seek out the media in order to publicize their objectives. Those that successfully use the media acquire a community status, which has the potential to morph into a political status, from which opposition to political ideals, occurrences or similar can be passed on to citizens. Examples of such groups include Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace and Amnesty. These groups can become oppositional spokesmen to government policy, sources of information and social commentators on legislation or policy ( Negrine, 1989; Pg 163 ). The media uses these groups as an official  authority, as they are recognized and respected organisations within the greater community, a status gained through use of the media itself. Examples exist where journalists can be seen as propaganda agents for politicians. The term manufacturing consent is described by Robinson ( 2002 ) as the power of the government to set the news media agendas, ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 12 ). Entman ( 1991 ), examines an example of this with two incidents from the 1980s. The medias contradictory handling of two aircraft shoot-downs, the Korean Airline and Iran Air, despite case similarities, proved the presence of political persuasiveness. Both resulted in a large loss of civilian life, and both were the result of military mistakes. The Iran Air shoot-down for which the US was answerable, was described in terms of a technical failure, ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 13 ). The Korean Airline shoot-down, effected by the USSR, was framed as a moral outrage, ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 13 ). The US media covered these two incidents as instructed to by US administrations and, says Entman ( 1991 ), chose to neither challenge nor criticize the facts presented to them by the state ( Robinson, 2002 ). The combination of Western governments intervening during humanitarian crises, and the considerable media attention given to dire circumstances abroad, saw the relationship between the media and the state linked as contributing factors, namely with the media encouraging the state to intervene ( Robinson, 2002 ). This trend became known as the CNN effect ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 1 ). Media coverage was proclaimed to influence policy-makers, resulting as either a necessary or sufficient factor in producing a particular outcome, ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 37 ). The CNN effect ( Robinson, 2002 ) adheres to the fact that definitive policy decisions lie with the policy makers, but media coverage can encourage policy makers to see that a decision is attained ( Robinson, 2002 ). An example of media coverage contributing to humanitarian intervention is that which became known as Operation Deliberate Force , an action led progressively by the US into Bosnia between 1992 and 1995. The war in Bosnia was the biggest conflict resulting from the dissolution of the Federal  Republic of Yugoslavia ( FRY ). Bosnia broke away from the undermined FRY and fighting began in 1991 between Bosnian government forces on one hand, and Bosnian Serb nationalists and Yugoslav army on the other. The latter two intent on creating ethnically pure regions in Bosnia ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 73 ). Pressure mounted in the US for intervention and as the war continued, US involvement increased, culminating in 1995 when the US became directly involved with the Bosnia war. This occurred after the 1994 Sarajevo market place bombing. The media expelled a do something ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 82 ) attitude and it came at a time when US policy-makers were unsure of just how much force they should exude. Holbrooke ( 1999 ) believes a CNN effect ultimately persuaded the US to act. The eventual response that came from the US was a threatened use of massive force, should the Serb nationalists fail to cease actions against civilians. The reason the West finally, belatedly intervened was heavily related to news media coverage, ( Holbrooke, 1999; Pg 20 ). Media influence, however, cannot entirely be held responsible for the US intervention. Avoidance of a humiliating UN withdrawal, along with the credibility and competence of the US can also be considered contributing factors. ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 85 ) The media can also attempt to set an agenda and fail. When politicians are certain of their policy, media coverage can have virtually no influence in encouraging a policy change ( Robinson, 2002 ). The war in Kosovo, also a result of the FRY dissolution, proved an area of much controversy between US administrations and the media. Albanian Kosovars, disheartened with a lack of international support, supported a Kosovo Liberation Army ( KLA ). KLA attacks on Serb forces were answered with considerable force, which included civilian targets ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 94 ). Two contingency plans were decided upon; the deployment of ground troops, and the use of air strikes, and were to go ahead should Serb forces continue attacks against Albanian civilians. US air strikes prevailed, but appeared to have little affect on the Serbian military. The US media became critical of the actions undertaken, and it became clear that the general community consensus lent toward a group campaign into Kosovo. It was concluded by Robinson, ( 2002 ) that although a large section of media coverage in the US encouraged the deployment of ground troops, it added little pressure on the government to  do so ( Robinson, 2002 ). Not all media outlets chose to criticize the policy-makers however, and a minority were seen supporting air attacks, ( Robinson, 2002; Pg 109 ). This example shows that although a CNN effect was clearly present, it failed in its attempt to influence policy change. Two theories suggest ways of understanding the relationship between the media and society. Firstly, it is suggested the media reflect the realities, values, and norms of a society. The media act as a mirror of society ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002; Pg 28 ). Secondly, it can be said that the media affect how people think, believe, and behave. The media construct our values for us and have a direct effect on our actions ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002 ). Both theories will be discussed. The media role includes both identifying issues of public concern, as well as acting as check on the abuse of power, this generally being political power. Journalists describe society to itself. They seek truth. They convey  information, ideas and opinions They search, disclose, record,  question, entertain, suggest and remember. They inform citizens and  animate democracy ( White, 1996; Pg 288 ). It is important to note that journalists, similarly to politicians, are held accountable for what they report. Accountability engenders trust, ( White, 1996; Pg 288 ). Journalists in Australia are answerable to a self-regulatory and industry funded board known as the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance. The media often influences and reflects the priorities of communities or societies. The media is reliant on advertisements for revenue. In order to attract businesses to advertise, the outlet must attract consumers. This sees media  outlets selling the news, opinions and human-interest pieces that appeal to the values, opinions and sense of the greater market, namely, the readers and viewers. Increasingly, it is impossible to discuss the media without broaching the subject of public relations. Public relations professionals are most apt at using the media to suit their needs. They create the stories and feed the media with them, highlighting those facts they wish known, and keeping the undesirable ones hidden. If a cause requires the attention of the general public, it is possible to entice the media to cover it by creating newsworthy conditions. Politicians employ public relations professionals, who are often professional journalists, to liaise with the media. Obligations of the media to the citizen are to represent, interpret and evaluate ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002 ). The majority of citizens receive their knowledge of global issues through media outlets. The media explains these occurrences to the general public, giving them an understanding of what they may not otherwise know. The media can be seen as an educational tool, giving understanding of the norms, values and realities of society to citizens ( OShaughnessy Stadler, 2002 ). The real power of the media lies in its ability to agenda set ( Ward, 2002; Pg 404 ). The media may not be able to tell people what to think but .. they are remarkably successful in telling audiences what issues to think about, ( Cohen, 1963; Pg 13 ). The media can act as societys definer, giving meaning and understanding to situations and occurrences. Although the definitions and explanations may not necessarily reflect the attitudes of the subject experts , the power of the media can quickly see misinformation become the general consensus. Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, the term terrorism has been misinterpreted within the media, and used to describe what academics in the field would not label as terrorism. Debate is strong regarding the issues of media censorship, with allegations, arising more and more frequently, regarding violent, sexually explicit and disturbing films, comics, song lyrics, Internet sites and books. Misdemeanor behaviour is often said to have been motivated and inspired by such mediums. In Australias republic referendum held in 1999, 18 of Australias 20 daily newspapers supported a Yes vote, ( Ward, 2002; Pg 404 ). Despite this, the majority of Australians voted against Australia becoming a republic. Media scholars are aware that media campaigns will not alter political views of those with existing political opinion and loyalties. An increasing minority however, are influenced by media propaganda and media content may prove valuable during elections in the more marginal seats ( Ward, 2002; Pg 404 ). The example of the republic referendum could be seen as an attempted, and ultimately failed, use of the CNN effect on society. _________________________________________________ The above discussion is in reference to situations within western democracies. Other political systems, including dictatorships and less democratic regimes, eg. Zwimbabe, USSR, and China use the media differently, tending to control opinion and political views, and thereby dictating public viewpoints. Prior to the recent elections in Russia, many of the non-government television stations were taken over or shut down, and had to change their influence and affiliations before being allowed to broadcast again. This saw the public denied access to media that presents a point of view different to that which the government wants citizens to have. Hitler shut down all newspapers during his leadership and produced his own, preaching his messages to the masses, this undoubtedly contributing to the large number of Germans that became Nazis. Media ownership is an essential element in this debate, and it is vital to recognize the regulations regarding media ownership in Australia. The federal government of 1986 sought to ensure that media ownership remained as diverse as possible. A person owning a television license cannot at the same time own more than 15 per cent of a newspaper published in the same city ( Singleton et al, 2000: Pg 308 ). 1992, however, saw legislation altered to allow more than 15 per ownership, provided the owner is deemed not to be in control ( Singleton et al, 2000: Pg 308 ). In a democratic society it is always possible for the alternative point of view to be presented, and for the most part, all sides of debates are considered. The media affects and reflects. It can act as an agent of propaganda and it can set the agenda. It can influence, or be influenced. The media, the state and the citizens are interdependent, each needing and using the other to inform and be informed. Western democracies will continue to see a balance within the media and the information it contains, as media ownership laws ensure the media remains democratic. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cohen, B. 1963. The Press and Foreign Policy. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Entman, R. 1991. Framing US Coverage of International News: Contrasts in Narratives of the KAL and Iran Air Incidents . Journal of Communication 41(4):6 27. Holbrooke, R. 1999. No Media No War. Index on Censorship, 28(3): 20-1. Negrine, Ralph. 1989. Politics and the Mass Media in Britain. London: Routledge. OShaughnessy, Michael Stadler, Jane. 2002. Media and Society, An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Victoria: Oxford University Press. Robinson, Piers. 2002. The CNN Effect: The myth of news, foreign policy and intervention. London: Routledge. Singleton, Aitkin, Jinks Warhurst. 2000. Australian Political Institutions. 6th Edition. Malaysia: Pearson Education Australia Pty Limited / Longman. Ward, Ian. 2002. Media Power. Government, Politics, Power and Policy in Australia. Summers, John ( Ed ). NSW: Pearson Education Australia Pty Limited / Longman. Wheeler, Mark. 1997. Politics and the Mass Media. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. White, Sally. 1996. Reporting in Australia. 2nd Edition. South Yarra: MacMillan Publishers Australia Pty Limited.

College Admissions Essay - Rewards of Understanding :: College Admissions Essays

College Admissions Essay - Rewards of Understanding As a high school freshman, I met and became friends with many new people. Among the most fascinating people was Lauren. I met Lauren in my lab class. She was outspoken and liberal. Her clothing revealed creativity; her big eyes, curiosity and strength. I was interested in learning more about Lauren, but felt shy about approaching her. My peers made fun of Lauren's manners and actions. They considered her too strange to know and shunned her. This prejudice made me realize I was not interested in knowing people who criticize based on observation rather than experience. Still, I said nothing in her defense. Recently, I traveled with my art class to Williamstown, Massachusetts. That was when I got to know and became friends with Lauren. She and I talked during the bus ride as she revealed to me unimaginable secrets. Lauren told me about her lifelong battle with Depression and Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD). She also told me about her suicide attempts. She said, "When I was a kid, I was a dork and never good at anything social. Many times I would do or say the wrong thing. I felt rejected and lonely." I remembered those who mocked Lauren and felt angry at them. People's cruelty can be very painful even to those who appear strong and especially to those who live with emotional and social challenges. That is why it is crucial to understand someone before judgment and not act with brutality to those who are different. Lauren told me that art was her greatest passion. "Art is the only thing that has kept me sane because I can escape into it," she said.

Coltrane’s Musical Influences in Michael S. Harper’s Poetry

Alabama – the love supreme: Coltrane’s Musical Influences in Michael S. Harper’s Poetry to Convey the Ability to Experience Racism Alabama – the love supreme: Coltrane’s Musical Influences in Michael S. Harper’s Poetry to Convey the Ability to Experience Racism In 1963, a K K K member blew up a church in Birmingham, Alabama. It wounded many people and killed four immature misss. Shortly after this tragic event, wind musician John Coltrane responded with his vocal â€Å"Alabama, † which incorporated similar beat to Martin Luther King, Jr’s addresss. He became a symbol of black patriotism. A little less than a decennary subsequently Michael S. Harper writes his verse form â€Å"Here Where Coltrane Is, † compiled in the bookHistory is Your Own Pulse. The verse form in this anthology are much like those in his old, and foremost, digest,Dear John, Dear Coltrane. Both aggregations of poesy show window Harper’s strengths as a author ; a strong narrative mixed in with redolent imagination. With â€Å"Here Where Coltrane Is, † Harper introduces us to a talker who is enduring of the cold conditions and get bying with the decease of a household member. But, through Coltrane’s music, he finds consolation, parti cularly in the vocal â€Å"Alabama† ( Michael S. Harper, L16 ) . H In his verse form â€Å"Here Where Coltrane Is, † Michael S. Harper uses the John Coltrane song â€Å"Alabama† as a agency of understanding what precisely it’s like to cognize racism first-hand. â€Å"Here Where Coltrane Is† is a lyrical verse form. The construction of the verse form evokes a sort of wind solo separated by two musical Bridgess. But the beat isn’t exact, and that’s the manner it’s meant to be. In lines 3 and 4, Harper describes â€Å"memories and average vocals, † ( Harper, L3-4 ) which in the universe of music means that a vocal doesn’t follow typical chord patterned advances. This can take easy into improvisations and solos. Coltrane was celebrated for making precisely that, giving his music a alone sound and feel. And average vocals, like memories, have a really liquid and free-forming construction, therefore the comparing. The rubric of the verse form is a apposition amongst itself, in respects to the word â€Å"Here† which acts as a dual significance homophone. It describes thatherein the verse form resides Coltrane, either in jet or merely by reference, but besideshearas in listen ; listen to what Coltran e was singing approximately and where he’s coming from. This sets up the verse form as a lyrical verse form as the reader is meant to listen to it beyond merely reading it. The first portion of the verse form chiefly focuses on the historical facet of racism, specifically the African Slave Triangle in the early phases of American development. The verse form opens with two ( three, technically ) words: â€Å"soul and race† ( Harper, L1 ) . A common belief back so was that the Europeans could enslave the Africans in order to salvage their psyche. This gap line truly roots the verse form historically and begins with the beginning of racism in America. This could associate the more metaphorical devastation of inkinesss in the American Slave Trade to the four misss killed in the Alabama bombardments that he mentions subsequently on in the verse form. This besides sheds visible radiation on the American thought of â€Å"freedom† that is more than accepting of the slaying and captivity of inkinesss throughout history. Subsequently, in line 7, Harper mentions a â€Å"Victorian house.† ( Harper, L7 ) . This could be in mention to Victorian Era ideals which deal chiefly in morality and rationalism. This is the exact antonym of what was go oning during the American Slave Trade. But this Victorian manner of place might merely be a wall to bury about the unfairnesss done in the yesteryear in an effort to concentrate on ethical motives and pureness. After the reference of the Victorian house, Harper talks about the rough conditions conditions environing the talker ; â€Å"zero degree weather and forty-mile-an-hour wind† ( Harper, L8-9 ) and â€Å"without oil† ( Harper, L8 ) to maintain warm. This could associate to the rough conditions typically sung about in blues and wind music, which was the genre Coltrane played. But the storm begins to ease up, represented by the image of â€Å"a well-set family† ( Harper, L10 ) one time the talker listens to â€Å"a love supreme† ( Harper, L11 ) . Coltrane wrote this album while he was get the better ofing dependence and self-suffering. At this point the verse form comes full halt with the period ; it is the first span of the vocal in this lyrical manner. The talker comes to footings with his agony in the cross-generational relatability in Coltrane’s work, as it non merely embodies life but the agony of the inkinesss. A few lines down he depict â€Å"clear white kids who love my children† ( Harper, L14-15 ) . This, I feel, is the large point that the verse form is seeking to turn to. The â€Å"clear† white kids are uncaring as to whether or non the speaker’s kids are black ( which I presumed due to the fact that the white kids are introduced by race, doing it an identifier ) . This is because they haven’t been introduced to racism yet. Racism is a historical ideal that older coevalss feel worse than the newer 1s, which is why they’re kids. The grownups might be racist, but their childs aren’t ( for now, at least ) . The â€Å"oak leaves pil [ ing ] up on [ the ] walkway† ( Harper, L12 ) invokes an image of autumn. Fall usually gives off the feel of decease, but besides metempsychosis. With the old oak leaves on the land, new 1s will turn. This relates back to the thought that people aren’t born racialist. Harper continues this thought of being born free and â€Å"clear† ( Harper, L14 ) continues in the following subdivision when he mentions the Coltrane vocal â€Å"Alabama† ( Harper, L16 ) . Before we had elements of racial harmoniousness, but now we get disharmony. The â€Å"warped record participant jumping the scratches† ( Harper, L17-18 ) might associate to the fact that most Americans like to gloss over our troubled and racialist yesteryear, similar to how a warped record will jump over sections of a vocal. The verse form flash-forwards an undetermined clip when the talker is going â€Å"from New York to Philly, † ( Harper, L22-23 ) . Even after the events in the first portion of the verse form occurred, the talker still remains affiliated to the vocal â€Å"Alabama, † specifically it’s â€Å"six notes† ( Harper, L23-24 ) that the vocal repetition. The talker begins to retrieve Coltrane specifically and categorizes him in the same division as two of the most powerful and of import talkers of the American Civil Rights Movement ; Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcom X. Both of these influential work forces are mentioned a few lines down, with Coltrane shuting the three: For this ground Martin is dead ; for this ground Malcom is dead ; for this ground Coltrane is dead ; The repetitive construction makes it clear that Harper is chunking them together with the same importance. In this portion of the verse form, Harper changes the form suggested by the old two musical Bridgess earlier. He utilizes the same extremist alterations that Coltrane used in his music and that Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcom X strived to accomplish. â€Å"Here Where Coltrane Is† brings to illume the importance that a person’s music, or in this instance a individual vocal, can hold on person. Harper incorporates Coltrane’s manner of music public presentations into his Hagiographas to raise a sense of alteration and relatability, allowing one in on the incident of racism in American civilization. It opened a window to the yesteryear in the hope that the hereafter may be changed.

Parenting Styles What They Are and Why They Matter Essay

A parent is not only the loving mother who holds you close to her for nine months and then many years, or the dad who plays baseball with you and intimidates his daughter’s dates. It is someone who is there for you from the start, guiding you to the right path of knowledge and teaching you how to stay on the right path independently. A parent does not need to have any biological associations to the child in order to be a parent to them. A parent must have certain characteristics to be rightfully called a parent. For many years psychologists have defined ways to correctly support a child to adulthood for parents all over the world. Some people conclude their practice of parenting their children after the child reaches the age of 18, and†¦show more content†¦There is Authoritarian, Authoritative, and Permissive. Baumrind is also cited in the journal â€Å"Parenting Style as a Moderator for Students’ Academic Achievement.† (Ishak, Low Lau, 2011) However th e parenting styles as listed by Baumrind in the journal are distinct in character, and much through the levels of responsiveness and demandingness each style has. Maccoby and Martin, who are also cited in the second listed journal, had captured the important elements. Parental Responsiveness is parallel to the emotional support a parent would show to the child to their special needs and demands. The parent would listen to the child’s interests and goals, which can result as motivation for academic achievement if listened to properly and shown the right motivation for achievement. Parental responsiveness can be thought of as a parent â€Å"responding† to their child’s need of emotional support. Parental demandingness refers to the expectations of that parent of the child. This can range from expecting higher grades, better performance and excellent behavior. (Ishak, Low Lau, 2011) Authoritative Parenting is high in both demanding and responsiveness. The parent would have high expectations of the child in the household and classroom, along with rules however, with the high level of responsiveness there is more communication and reasoning behind the expectations and more emotional support to ensure a healthy relationshipShow MoreRelatedThe, What Makes A Perfect Parent, Raises The Question Essay1630 Words   |  7 PagesChapter 5 of Freakonomics, What Makes a Perfect Parent, raises the question, â€Å"how much do parents really matter?† This is a very interesting question with a number of different answers. Steven Levitt, the author, goes into great detail to answer this question. Right of the start, Levitt mentions, â€Å"Clearly bad parenting matters a great deal† (Levitt, Dubner p.154). 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